『壹』 were of the same huenoisy cells of the men's ward
The Civil Rights Movement in the United States has been a long, primarily nonviolent struggle to bring full civil rights and equality under the law to all Americans. The movement has had a lasting impact on United States society, in its tactics, the increased social and legal acceptance of civil rights, and in its exposure of the prevalence and cost of racism. The American Civil Rights movement has been made up of many movements. The term usually refers to the political struggles and reform movements between 1945 and 1970 to end discrimination against African Americans and to end legal racial segregation, especially in the U.S. South. This article focuses on an earlier phase of the struggle. Two United States Supreme Court decisions—Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896), which upheld "separate but equal" racial segregation as constitutional doctrine, and Brown v. Board of Ecation, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) which overturned Plessy— serve as milestones. This was an era of stops and starts, in which some movements, such as Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association, achieved great success but left little lasting legacy, while others, such as the NAACP's painstaking legal assault on state-sponsored segregation, achieved modest results in its early years but made steady progress on voter rights and graally built to a key victory in Brown v. Board of Ecation. After the Civil War, the U. S. expanded the legal rights of African Americans. Congress passed, and enough states ratified, an amendment ending slavery in 1865—the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution. This amendment only outlawed slavery; it did not provide equal rights, nor citizenship. In 1868, the 14th Amendment was ratified by the states, granting African Americans citizenship. Black persons born in the U. S. were extended equal protection under the laws of the Constitution. The 15th Amendment was ratified in (1870), which stated that race could not be used as a condition to deprive men of the ability to vote. During Reconstruction (1865-1877), Northern troops occupied the South. Together with the Freedmen's Bureau, they tried to administer and enforce the new constitutional amendments. Many black leaders were elected to local and state offices, and others organized community groups. Reconstruction ended following the Compromise of 1877 between Northern and Southern white elites. In exchange for deciding the contentious Presidential election in favor of Rutherford B. Hayes, supported by Northern states, over his opponent, Samuel J. Tilden, the compromise called for the withdrawal of Northern troops from the South. This followed violence and fraud in southern elections in 1876, which had reced black voter turnout and enabled Southern white Democrats to regain power in state legislatures across the South. The compromise and withdrawal of Federal troops meant that white Democrats had more freedom to impose and enforce discriminatory practices. Many African Americans responded to the withdrawal of federal troops by leaving the South in what is known as the Kansas Exos of 1879. The Radical Republicans, who spearheaded Reconstruction, had attempted to eliminate both governmental and private discrimination by legislation. That effort was largely ended by the Supreme Court's decision in the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883), in which the Court held that the Fourteenth Amendment did not give Congress power to outlaw racial discrimination by private indivials or businesses. Segregation The Supreme Court's decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) upheld state-mandated discrimination in public transportation under the "separate but equal" doctrine. While in the 20th century, the Supreme Court began to overturn state statutes that disfranchised African Americans, as in Guinn v. United States (1915), with Plessy, it upheld segregation that Southern states enforced in nearly every other sphere of public and private life. As Justice Harlan, the only member of the Court to dissent from the decision, predicted: If a state can prescribe, as a rule of civil conct, that whites and blacks shall not travel as passengers in the same railroad coach, why may it not so regulate the use of the streets of its cities and towns as to compel white citizens to keep on one side of a street, and black citizens to keep on the other? Why may it not, upon like grounds, punish whites and blacks who ride together in street cars or in open vehicles on a public road or street? . . . . The Court soon extended Plessy to uphold segregated schools. In Berea College v. Kentucky, 211 U.S. 45 (1908), the Court upheld a Kentucky statute that barred Berea College, a private institution, from teaching both black and white students in an integrated setting. Many states, particularly in the South, took Plessy and Berea as blanket approval for restrictive laws, generally known as Jim Crow laws, that created second-class status for African-Americans. In many cities and towns, African-Americans were not allowed to share a taxi with whites or enter a building through the same entrance. They had to drink from separate water fountains, use separate restrooms, attend separate schools, be buried in separate cemeteries and even swear on separate Bibles. They were excluded from restaurants and public libraries. Many parks barred them with signs that read "Negroes and dogs not allowed." One municipal zoo went so far as to list separate visiting hours. The etiquette of racial segregation was even harsher, particularly in the South. African Americans were expected to step aside to let a white person pass, and black men dared not look any white woman in the eye. Black men and women were addressed as "Tom" or "Jane", but rarely as "Mr." or "Miss" or "Mrs." Whites referred to black men of any age as "boy" and a black woman as "girl"; both often were called by labels such as "nigger" or "colored." Less formal social segregation in the North began to yield to change. Jackie Robinson’s Major League Baseball debut, 1947 Jackie Robinson was a sports pioneer of the Civil Rights Movement. Jackie Robinson is most well known for becoming the first African American to play professional sports in the major leagues. He is not often recognized as one of earliest public figures in the Civil Rights Movement. He debuted with the Brooklyn Dodgers of Major League Baseball on April 15, 1947. Jackie Robinson's first major league game came one year before the U.S. Army was integrated, seven years before Brown v. Board of Ecation, eight years before Rosa Parks, and before Martin Luther King Jr. was leading the Civil Rights Movement. Jackie Robinson stepped into the spotlight before many of the most notable people in the Civil Rights Movement history. Every day he played, he was an example and role model for countless children and youths. Disfranchisement Main article: Disfranchisement after the Civil War By the turn of the century, white-dominated Southern legislatures disfranchised nearly all age-eligible African American voters through a combination of statute and constitutional provisions. While requirements applied to all citizens, in practice, they were targeted at blacks and poor whites, and subjectively administered. In addition, opponents of black civil rights used economic reprisals and sometimes violence in the 1880s to discourage blacks from registering to vote. Mississippi was the first state to have such constitutional provisions, such as poll taxes, literacy tests (which depended on subjective by white registrars), and complicated record keeping to establish residency, litigated before the Supreme Court. In 1898 the Court upheld the state, in Williams v. Mississippi. Other Southern states quickly adopted the "Mississippi plan", and from 1890-1908, ten states adopted new constitutions with provisions to disfranchise most blacks and many poor whites. States continued to disfranchise these groups for decades. Blacks were most adversely affected, as in many states black voter turnout dropped to zero. Poor whites were also disfranchised. In Alabama, for instance, by 1941, 600,000 poor whites had been disfranchised, and 520,000 blacks.[1] It was not until the 20th century that litigation by African Americans on such provisions began to meet some success before the Supreme Court. In 1915 in Guinn v. United States, the Court declared Oklahoma's "grandfather law", to be unconstitutional. Although the decision affected all states that used the grandfather clause, state legislatures quickly devised new devices to continue disfranchisement. Each provision or statute had to be litigated separately. One device the Democratic Party began to use more widely in Southern states was the white primary, which served for decades to disfranchise the few blacks who managed to get past barriers of voter registration. Barring blacks from voting in the Democratic Party primaries meant they had no chance to vote in the only competitive contests. White primaries were not struck down by the Supreme Court until Smith v. Allwright in 1944. Criminal law and lynching In 1880, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303 (1880) that African Americans could not be excluded from juries. The late 19th century disfranchisement of blacks in the South, however, meant that blacks were routinely barred from jury service, as it was reserved for voters only. This left them at the mercy of a white justice system arrayed against them. In some states, particularly Alabama, the state used the criminal justice system to reestablish a form of peonage in the form of the convict-lease system. The state sentenced black males to years of imprisonment, which they spent working without pay. The state leased prisoners to private employers, such as Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company, a subsidiary of United States Steel Corporation, which paid the state for their labor. Because the state made money, the system created incentives for the jailing of more men, who were disproportionately black. It also created a system in which treatment of prisoners received little oversight. Extra-judicial punishment was even more brutal. During the last decade of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century, white vigilantes lynched thousands of black males, sometimes with the overt assistance of state officials, mostly within the South. No whites were charged with crimes in any of those massacres. Whites were, in fact, so confident of their immunity from prosecution for lynching that they not only photographed the victims, but made postcards out of the pictures. The Ku Klux Klan, which had largely disappeared after a brief violent career in the early years of Reconstruction, reappeared in 1915. It grew mostly in instrializing cities of the South and Midwest that underwent the most rapid growth from 1910-1930. Social instability contributed to racial tensions from severe competition for jobs and housing. People joined KKK groups who were anxious about their place in American society, as cities were rapidly changed by a combination of instrialization, migration of blacks and whites from the rural South, and waves of increased immigration from mostly rural southern and eastern Europe.[2] Initially the KKK presented itself as another fraternal organization devoted to betterment of its members. The KKK's revival was inspired in part by the movie Birth of a Nation, which glorified the earlier Klan and dramatized the racist stereotypes concerning blacks of that era. The Klan focused on political mobilization, which allowed it to gain power in states such as Indiana, on a platform that combined racism with anti-immigrant, anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic and anti-union rhetoric, but also supported lynching. It reached its peak of membership and influence about 1925, declining rapidly afterward as opponents mobilized.[3] Segregated economic life and ecation In addition to excluding blacks from equal participation in many areas of public life, white society also kept blacks in a position of economic subservience or marginality. After widespread losses from disease and financial failures in the late 19th c., black farmers in the South worked in virtual economic bondage as sharecroppers or tenant farmers. Employers and labor unions generally restricted African Americans to the worst paid and least desirable jobs. Because of the lack of steady, well-paid jobs, relatively undistinguished positions, such as those with the Pullman Porter or as hotel doorman, became prestigious positions in black communities. The Jim Crow system that excluded African-Americans from many areas of economic life led to creation of a vigorous, but stunted economic life within the segregated sphere. Black newspapers sprang up throughout the North, while black owners of insurance and funeral establishments acquired disproportionate influence as both economic and political leaders. Continuing to see ecation as the primary route of advancement and critical for the race, many talented blacks went into teaching, which had high respect as a profession. Segregated schools for blacks were underfunded in the South and ran on shortened scheles in rural areas. Despite segregation in Washington, DC, by contrast, as Federal employees, black and white teachers were paid on the same scale. Outstanding black teachers in the North received advanced degrees and taught in highly regarded schools, which trained the next generation of leaders in cities such as Chicago, Washington, and New York. Ecation, in fact, was one of the major achievements of the black community in the 19th century. Blacks in Reconstruction governments had supported the establishment of public ecation in every Southern state. Despite the difficulties, with the enormous eagerness of freedmen for ecation, by 1900 the African-American community had trained and put to work 30,000 African-American teachers in the South. In addition, a majority of the black population had achieved literacy.[4] Not all the teachers had a full 4-year college degree in those years, but the shorter terms of normal schools were part of the system of teacher training in both the North and the South to serve the many new communities across the frontier. African American teachers got many children and alts started on ecation. Northern alliances had helped fund normal schools and colleges to teach African American teachers, as well as create other professional classes. African Americans reached out for ecation at these historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs). After the turn of the century, black men and women began to found their own fraternities and sororities to create networks for lifelong service and collaboration. These were part of the new organizations that strengthened community life. The Black church As the center of community life, Black churches held a leadership role in the Civil Rights Movement. Their history as a focal point for the Black community and as a link between the Black and White worlds made them natural for this purpose. Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. was but one of many notable Black ministers involved in the movement. Ralph David Abernathy, Bernard Lee, Fred Shuttlesworth, and C.T. Vivian are among the many notable minister-activists.[5] They were especially important ring the later years of the movement in the 1950s and 1960s. The Niagara Movement and the founding of the NAACP At the turn of the century, Booker T. Washington was regarded, particularly by the white community, as the foremost spokesman for African-Americans in the U. S. Washington, who led the Tuskegee Institute, preached a message of self-reliance. He urged blacks to concentrate on improving their economic position rather than demanding social equality until they had proved that they "deserved" it. Publicly, he accepted the continuation of Jim Crow and segregation in the short term, but privately helped to fund court cases challenging the laws. W.E.B. Du Bois and others in the black community rejected Washington's apology for segregation. One of his close associates, Monroe Trotter, was arrested after challenging Washington when he came to deliver a speech in Boston in 1905. Later that year Du Bois and Trotter convened a meeting of black activists on the Canadian side of the river at Niagara Falls. They issued a manifesto calling for universal manhood suffrage, elimination of all forms of racial segregation and extension of ecation—not limited to the vocational ecation that Washington emphasized—on a nondiscriminatory basis. Du Bois joined with other black leaders and Jewish activists, such as Henry Moskowitz, Julius Rosenthal, Lillian Wald, Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch, and Stephen Wise to create the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909. W.E.B. Du Bois also became editor of its magazine The Crisis. In its early years, the NAACP concentrated on using the courts to attack Jim Crow laws and disfranchising constitutional provisions. It successfully challenged the Louisville, Kentucky ordinance that required residential segregation in Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60 (1917). It also gained a Supreme Court ruling striking down Oklahoma's "grandfather clause" that exempted most illiterate white voters from a law that disenfranchised African-American citizens in Guinn v. United States (1915). The NAACP lobbied against President Wilson's introction of racial segregation into Federal government employment and offices in 1913. They lobbied for commissioning of African Americans as officers in World War I. In 1915 the NAACP organized public ecation and protests in cities across the nation against D.W. Griffith's silent film Birth of a Nation, a film that glamorized the Ku Klux Klan. Some cities refused to allow the film to open. 如果答案对您有用，请及时采纳，谢谢~
『贰』 求一首英文歌
Over the rainbow somewhere over the rainbow way up high 在遥远的天上，彩虹的那一端 there's a land that i heard of once in a lullaby 有一个在摇篮曲中的地方 somewhere over the rainbow skies are blue 天空是蔚蓝的，在彩虹的那一端 and the dreams that you dare to dream really do come true 你的每一个梦想都会变成现实 someday i wish upon a star 我梦想有一天飞到一颗星上 and wake up where the clouds are far behind me 当我醒来，云朵远远的在我身后 where troubles smelled like lemon drops 烦恼就像柠檬糖 way above the chimney tops that's where you'll find me 我就在那烟囱之上的路上 somewhere over the rainbow blue birds fly 兰鸟自由飞翔，在彩虹的那一端 birds fly over the rainbow 鸟儿飞过彩虹 why then, oh why can't i? 为什么我不可以 if happy little blue birds fly beyong the rainbow why, oh why can't i ? 如果快乐的小鸟飞翔在彩虹的边上 为什么我不可以
Hugh Grant和Drew Barrymore的Way Back Into Love啊，挺好听的。:-)
I\'ve been living with a shadow overhead
我一直在阴影下生活
I\'ve been sleeping with a cloud above my bed
我睡觉的床上方有一片云
I\'ve been lonely for so long
那么久以来我都很孤独
Trapped in the past, I just can\'t seem to move on
陷入过去的回忆，无法前行
I\'ve been hiding all my hopes and dreams away
我总会把所有的希望和梦想藏起来
Just in case I ever need them again someday
以防万一某天需要
I\'ve been setting aside time
我坐在时间的身边
To clear a little space in the corners of my mind
想在脑中清理出一角空余
All I wanna do is find a way back into love
只希望能找到回到爱情中的路
I can\'t make it through without a way back into love
要是找不到我会无法过下去
Oh oh oh
哦...
I\'ve been watching but the stars refuse to shine
无论我如何凝视，星星都不愿闪烁
I\'ve been searching but I just don\'t see the signs
无论我如何寻找，指示都不会出现
I know that it\'s out there
但是我知道它一定在某个地方
There\'s gotta be something for my soul somewhere
在某个地方一定有能抚慰我灵魂的东西
I\'ve been looking for someone to shed some light
我一直在找能解决一切疑问的人
Not somebody just to get me through the night
不是仅仅带领我走出黑暗的
I could use some direction
我需要方向
And I\'m open to your suggestions
我会积极听取你的意见
All I wanna do is find a way back into love
我只想找到回到爱情中的道路
I can\'t make it through without a way back into love
如果找不到我会无法继续
And if I open my heart again
如果我再次敞开我的心扉
I guess I\'m hoping you\'ll be there for me in the end
我想我一直在希望最后你会在那里等着我
There are moments when I don\'t know if it\'s real
有些时候我分不清现实和梦幻
Or if anybody feels the way I feel
如果有人明白我的感受
I need inspiration
我需要灵感
Not just another negotiation
而不是妥协
All I wanna do is find a way back into love
我只想找到回到爱情中的道路
I can\'t make it through without a way back into love
如果找不到我会无法继续
And if I open my heart to you
如果我向你敞开心扉
I\'m hoping you\'ll show me what to do
希望你能告诉我该怎么做
And if you help me to start again
如果你能帮助我重新开始
You know that I\'ll be there for you in the end
最后我一定会为你付出
只有一句歌词，很难找啊，旋律什么的我也不知道。想说是男声还是女声，个人的还是合唱；真的很想知道的话，说具体点吧。
『叁』 切尔西球势不可挡MV的歌曲是什么
No one can stop us now附上lyrics
Chelsea! Chelesa!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea, Boys in blue!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We love you!
Chelsea! Our love is true!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea! We're the team!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We're the dream!
Chelsea! We're supreme!
No one can stop us now!
The boys are back in town!
And we are Wembley bound!
And all are dressed in Blue!
And we're gonna win for you!!
And when we score the goals!
We're gonna Rock and Roll!!
We've fought a long long way!
And we are here to say!!
And Everybody sing!!
Chelsea, Boys in blue!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We love you!
Chelsea! Our love is true!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea! We're the team!
Chelsea! Chelsea!
We're the dream!
Chelsea! We're supreme!
No one can stop us now!
We simply are the best!
We're gonna beat the rest!
Together we are one!
Look at what we've done!
The road is long and tough!
But we are strong enough!
Enough to see it through!
And make our dream come true!!!
And Everybody sing!!
Chelsea, Boys in blue!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We love you!
Chelsea! Our love is true!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea! We're the team!
Chelsea! Chelsea!
We're the dream!
Chelsea! We're supreme!
No one can stop us now!
Spoken:
Stamford bridge to Wembely!
Step by step in harmony!
Have a drink! It's party time!
Chelsea! Chelsea! You are mine!!!
Chelsea!! Chelsea!!
No one can stop us now!!!
Chelsea, Boys in blue!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We love you!
Chelsea! Our love is true!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea! We're the team!
Chelsea! Chelsea!
We're the dream!
Chelsea! We're supreme!
No one can stop us now!
『肆』 求一张猫眼批萨的价目表
Veggies cheese
蔬菜奇士
6.00
10.00
Egg mayo
鸡蛋沙拉
10.00
15.00
Ham cheese
奇士火腿
11.00
17.00
Turkey ham
火鸡汉姆
13.00
21.00
Turkey breast
火鸡胸
14.00
22.00
Pizza sub
比萨三明治
15.00
23.00
B.L.T
烤肉
15.00
23.00
Turkey & bacon
火鸡俱乐部
16.00
24.00
Club
俱乐部
16.00
25.00
Roast beef
香烤牛肉
17.00
26.00
Tuna
金枪鱼
18.00
27.00
Double meat
+双份肉
+4.00
+8.00
Egg mayo
+鸡蛋沙拉
+3.00
+6.00
Egg
+鸡蛋
+2.00
+4.00
PIZZA
产品英文名称
产品中文名称
9寸价格
12寸价格
Super supreme
超级至尊
25.00
35.00
Precious gem
珠圆玉润
28.00
38.00
Deep sea tuna
海底金枪
28.00
38.00
Cream delight
奶香风味
28.00
38.00
Pasturn feeling
牧场风情
25.00
35.00
Sunrf & turf
海陆香鲜
25.00
35.00
Meat supreme
荤食天地
23.00
33.00
Tokyo temptation
东京诱惑
23.00
33.00
Supreme
至尊至善
23.00
33.00
Chicken strip
火鸡芙蓉
19.00
29.00
Tuna special
金枪鱼特选
19.00
29.00
Hawaiian
夏威夷风光
19.00
29.00
The hot one
香辣精选
19.00
29.00
American strip
美国风情
19.00
29.00
Garden veggies
田园风光
19.00
29.00
Margherita
马格丽特
19.00
29.00
无比大鸟
30.00
48.00
SOUPS
产品英文名称
产品中文名称
价格
Cream of chicken
奶油蘑菇鸡汤
10.00
Borsch
罗宋汤
12.00
SALADS
产品英文名称
产品中文名称
价格
Veggie
蔬菜
8.00
Egg mayo
鸡蛋
10.00
Fruit
水果
10.00
Tuna
金枪鱼
14.00
Chicken
蘑菇鸡
16.00
FOODS
产品英文名称
产品中文名称
价格
Curry veggie
咖喱蔬菜饭
14.00
Curry beef
咖喱牛肉饭
18.00
Spanish rice
意式肉酱饭
16.00
Spaghetti
意式肉酱面
18.00
SNACKS
产品英文名称
产品中文名称
价格
Cookies
饼干
3.00
Frech ffries
薯条
6.00
Onion rings
洋葱圈
6.00
Chicken
鸡块
10.00
Amant sausage
亲亲肠
12.00
Chicken skewer
蜜制肉串
10.00
New Orlean wings
新奥尔良鸡翅
17.00
壮翅凌云
7.00
ICE CREAM
产品英文名称
产品中文名称
价格
Red-bean ice flake
红豆冰山
6.00
Single ball
单球
5.00
Double ball
双球
9.00
Triple ball
三球
12.00
Vanilla香草/Chocolate巧克力/Strwberry/草莓
COFFEE
产品英文名称
产品中文名称
价格
Regular
猫眼标准
5.00
Ice coffee
冰咖啡
7.00
Espresso
意大利特浓
8.00
Americano
美式咖啡
7.00
Cappuccino
卡布基诺
12.00
Iced cappuccino
冰卡布基诺
12.00
Latte
拿铁
14.00
DRINK
产品英文名称
产品中文名称
价格
Coca-cola
可口可乐
4.00
Sprite
雪碧
4.00
Fanta
芬达
4.00
Black angle
雪糕黑天使
8.00
Tonic
汤力
8.00
Soda
苏打
8.00
Tsing tao
青岛
10.00
Budweiser
百威
16.00
Corona
科罗娜
18.00
Mineral water
矿泉水
5.00
100%Orange juice
橙汁
6.00
100%Apple juice
苹果汁
6.00
100%Grapefruit
西柚
8.00
Milk
牛奶
5.00
Lemon tea
热柠檬茶
6.00
Iced lemon tea
冰柠檬茶
6.00
Milk tea
热奶茶
6.00
Hot chocolate
热巧克力
6.00
Honey green tea
蜂蜜冰绿茶
8.00
广安门店 宣武区广安门内大街京粮大厦南
『伍』 与切尔西有关的歌曲
No one can stop us now附上歌词
Chelsea! Chelesa!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea, Boys in blue!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We love you!
Chelsea! Our love is true!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea! We're the team!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We're the dream!
Chelsea! We're supreme!
No one can stop us now!
The boys are back in town!
And we are Wembley bound!
And all are dressed in Blue!
And we're gonna win for you!!
And when we score the goals!
We're gonna Rock and Roll!!
We've fought a long long way!
And we are here to say!!
And Everybody sing!!
Chelsea, Boys in blue!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We love you!
Chelsea! Our love is true!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea! We're the team!
Chelsea! Chelsea!
We're the dream!
Chelsea! We're supreme!
No one can stop us now!
We simply are the best!
We're gonna beat the rest!
Together we are one!
Look at what we've done!
The road is long and tough!
But we are strong enough!
Enough to see it through!
And make our dream come true!!!
And Everybody sing!!
Chelsea, Boys in blue!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We love you!
Chelsea! Our love is true!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea! We're the team!
Chelsea! Chelsea!
We're the dream!
Chelsea! We're supreme!
No one can stop us now!
Spoken:
Stamford bridge to Wembely!
Step by step in harmony!
Have a drink! It's party time!
Chelsea! Chelsea! You are mine!!!
Chelsea!! Chelsea!!
No one can stop us now!!!
Chelsea, Boys in blue!
Chelsea! Chelsea! We love you!
Chelsea! Our love is true!
No one can stop us now!
Chelsea! We're the team!
Chelsea! Chelsea!
We're the dream!
Chelsea! We're supreme!
No one can stop us now!
『陆』 supreme大陆可以加盟么 官网地址 电话多少 加盟条件
当然不能，能的话我早就开了。别说大陆，就是全球都不能加盟，没记错的话，全世界只有14个店
『柒』 英语高手来.我需要一段话激励(或使人受教)的话
Believe youself.Nothing is impossible.相信自己，一切皆有可能．
『捌』 the influence of American civil rights movement
The Civil Rights Movement in the United States has been a long, primarily nonviolent struggle to bring full civil rights and equality under the law to all Americans. The movement has had a lasting impact on United States society, in its tactics, the increased social and legal acceptance of civil rights, and in its exposure of the prevalence and cost of racism.
The American Civil Rights movement has been made up of many movements. The term usually refers to the political struggles and reform movements between 1945 and 1970 to end discrimination against African Americans and to end legal racial segregation, especially in the U.S. South.
This article focuses on an earlier phase of the struggle. Two United States Supreme Court decisions—Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896), which upheld "separate but equal" racial segregation as constitutional doctrine, and Brown v. Board of Ecation, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) which overturned Plessy— serve as milestones. This was an era of stops and starts, in which some movements, such as Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association, achieved great success but left little lasting legacy, while others, such as the NAACP's painstaking legal assault on state-sponsored segregation, achieved modest results in its early years but made steady progress on voter rights and graally built to a key victory in Brown v. Board of Ecation.
After the Civil War, the U. S. expanded the legal rights of African Americans. Congress passed, and enough states ratified, an amendment ending slavery in 1865—the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution. This amendment only outlawed slavery; it did not provide equal rights, nor citizenship. In 1868, the 14th Amendment was ratified by the states, granting African Americans citizenship. Black persons born in the U. S. were extended equal protection under the laws of the Constitution. The 15th Amendment was ratified in (1870), which stated that race could not be used as a condition to deprive men of the ability to vote. During Reconstruction (1865-1877), Northern troops occupied the South. Together with the Freedmen's Bureau, they tried to administer and enforce the new constitutional amendments. Many black leaders were elected to local and state offices, and others organized community groups.
Reconstruction ended following the Compromise of 1877 between Northern and Southern white elites. In exchange for deciding the contentious Presidential election in favor of Rutherford B. Hayes, supported by Northern states, over his opponent, Samuel J. Tilden, the compromise called for the withdrawal of Northern troops from the South. This followed violence and fraud in southern elections in 1876, which had reced black voter turnout and enabled Southern white Democrats to regain power in state legislatures across the South. The compromise and withdrawal of Federal troops meant that white Democrats had more freedom to impose and enforce discriminatory practices. Many African Americans responded to the withdrawal of federal troops by leaving the South in what is known as the Kansas Exos of 1879.
The Radical Republicans, who spearheaded Reconstruction, had attempted to eliminate both governmental and private discrimination by legislation. That effort was largely ended by the Supreme Court's decision in the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883), in which the Court held that the Fourteenth Amendment did not give Congress power to outlaw racial discrimination by private indivials or businesses.
Segregation
The Supreme Court's decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) upheld state-mandated discrimination in public transportation under the "separate but equal" doctrine. While in the 20th century, the Supreme Court began to overturn state statutes that disfranchised African Americans, as in Guinn v. United States (1915), with Plessy, it upheld segregation that Southern states enforced in nearly every other sphere of public and private life.
As Justice Harlan, the only member of the Court to dissent from the decision, predicted:
If a state can prescribe, as a rule of civil conct, that whites and blacks shall not travel as passengers in the same railroad coach, why may it not so regulate the use of the streets of its cities and towns as to compel white citizens to keep on one side of a street, and black citizens to keep on the other? Why may it not, upon like grounds, punish whites and blacks who ride together in street cars or in open vehicles on a public road or street? . . . .
The Court soon extended Plessy to uphold segregated schools. In Berea College v. Kentucky, 211 U.S. 45 (1908), the Court upheld a Kentucky statute that barred Berea College, a private institution, from teaching both black and white students in an integrated setting. Many states, particularly in the South, took Plessy and Berea as blanket approval for restrictive laws, generally known as Jim Crow laws, that created second-class status for African-Americans.
In many cities and towns, African-Americans were not allowed to share a taxi with whites or enter a building through the same entrance. They had to drink from separate water fountains, use separate restrooms, attend separate schools, be buried in separate cemeteries and even swear on separate Bibles. They were excluded from restaurants and public libraries. Many parks barred them with signs that read "Negroes and dogs not allowed." One municipal zoo went so far as to list separate visiting hours.
The etiquette of racial segregation was even harsher, particularly in the South. African Americans were expected to step aside to let a white person pass, and black men dared not look any white woman in the eye. Black men and women were addressed as "Tom" or "Jane", but rarely as "Mr." or "Miss" or "Mrs." Whites referred to black men of any age as "boy" and a black woman as "girl"; both often were called by labels such as "nigger" or "colored."
Less formal social segregation in the North began to yield to change.
Jackie Robinson’s Major League Baseball debut, 1947
Jackie Robinson was a sports pioneer of the Civil Rights Movement. Jackie Robinson is most well known for becoming the first African American to play professional sports in the major leagues. He is not often recognized as one of earliest public figures in the Civil Rights Movement. He debuted with the Brooklyn Dodgers of Major League Baseball on April 15, 1947. Jackie Robinson's first major league game came one year before the U.S. Army was integrated, seven years before Brown v. Board of Ecation, eight years before Rosa Parks, and before Martin Luther King Jr. was leading the Civil Rights Movement. Jackie Robinson stepped into the spotlight before many of the most notable people in the Civil Rights Movement history. Every day he played, he was an example and role model for countless children and youths.
Disfranchisement
Main article: Disfranchisement after the Civil War
By the turn of the century, white-dominated Southern legislatures disfranchised nearly all age-eligible African American voters through a combination of statute and constitutional provisions. While requirements applied to all citizens, in practice, they were targeted at blacks and poor whites, and subjectively administered. In addition, opponents of black civil rights used economic reprisals and sometimes violence in the 1880s to discourage blacks from registering to vote.
Mississippi was the first state to have such constitutional provisions, such as poll taxes, literacy tests (which depended on subjective by white registrars), and complicated record keeping to establish residency, litigated before the Supreme Court. In 1898 the Court upheld the state, in Williams v. Mississippi. Other Southern states quickly adopted the "Mississippi plan", and from 1890-1908, ten states adopted new constitutions with provisions to disfranchise most blacks and many poor whites. States continued to disfranchise these groups for decades. Blacks were most adversely affected, as in many states black voter turnout dropped to zero. Poor whites were also disfranchised. In Alabama, for instance, by 1941, 600,000 poor whites had been disfranchised, and 520,000 blacks.[1]
It was not until the 20th century that litigation by African Americans on such provisions began to meet some success before the Supreme Court. In 1915 in Guinn v. United States, the Court declared Oklahoma's "grandfather law", to be unconstitutional. Although the decision affected all states that used the grandfather clause, state legislatures quickly devised new devices to continue disfranchisement. Each provision or statute had to be litigated separately. One device the Democratic Party began to use more widely in Southern states was the white primary, which served for decades to disfranchise the few blacks who managed to get past barriers of voter registration. Barring blacks from voting in the Democratic Party primaries meant they had no chance to vote in the only competitive contests. White primaries were not struck down by the Supreme Court until Smith v. Allwright in 1944.
Criminal law and lynching
In 1880, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303 (1880) that African Americans could not be excluded from juries. The late 19th century disfranchisement of blacks in the South, however, meant that blacks were routinely barred from jury service, as it was reserved for voters only. This left them at the mercy of a white justice system arrayed against them. In some states, particularly Alabama, the state used the criminal justice system to reestablish a form of peonage in the form of the convict-lease system. The state sentenced black males to years of imprisonment, which they spent working without pay. The state leased prisoners to private employers, such as Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company, a subsidiary of United States Steel Corporation, which paid the state for their labor. Because the state made money, the system created incentives for the jailing of more men, who were disproportionately black. It also created a system in which treatment of prisoners received little oversight.
Extra-judicial punishment was even more brutal. During the last decade of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century, white vigilantes lynched thousands of black males, sometimes with the overt assistance of state officials, mostly within the South. No whites were charged with crimes in any of those massacres. Whites were, in fact, so confident of their immunity from prosecution for lynching that they not only photographed the victims, but made postcards out of the pictures.
The Ku Klux Klan, which had largely disappeared after a brief violent career in the early years of Reconstruction, reappeared in 1915. It grew mostly in instrializing cities of the South and Midwest that underwent the most rapid growth from 1910-1930. Social instability contributed to racial tensions from severe competition for jobs and housing. People joined KKK groups who were anxious about their place in American society, as cities were rapidly changed by a combination of instrialization, migration of blacks and whites from the rural South, and waves of increased immigration from mostly rural southern and eastern Europe.[2]
Initially the KKK presented itself as another fraternal organization devoted to betterment of its members. The KKK's revival was inspired in part by the movie Birth of a Nation, which glorified the earlier Klan and dramatized the racist stereotypes concerning blacks of that era. The Klan focused on political mobilization, which allowed it to gain power in states such as Indiana, on a platform that combined racism with anti-immigrant, anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic and anti-union rhetoric, but also supported lynching. It reached its peak of membership and influence about 1925, declining rapidly afterward as opponents mobilized.[3]
Segregated economic life and ecation
In addition to excluding blacks from equal participation in many areas of public life, white society also kept blacks in a position of economic subservience or marginality. After widespread losses from disease and financial failures in the late 19th c., black farmers in the South worked in virtual economic bondage as sharecroppers or tenant farmers. Employers and labor unions generally restricted African Americans to the worst paid and least desirable jobs. Because of the lack of steady, well-paid jobs, relatively undistinguished positions, such as those with the Pullman Porter or as hotel doorman, became prestigious positions in black communities.
The Jim Crow system that excluded African-Americans from many areas of economic life led to creation of a vigorous, but stunted economic life within the segregated sphere. Black newspapers sprang up throughout the North, while black owners of insurance and funeral establishments acquired disproportionate influence as both economic and political leaders.
Continuing to see ecation as the primary route of advancement and critical for the race, many talented blacks went into teaching, which had high respect as a profession. Segregated schools for blacks were underfunded in the South and ran on shortened scheles in rural areas. Despite segregation in Washington, DC, by contrast, as Federal employees, black and white teachers were paid on the same scale. Outstanding black teachers in the North received advanced degrees and taught in highly regarded schools, which trained the next generation of leaders in cities such as Chicago, Washington, and New York.
Ecation, in fact, was one of the major achievements of the black community in the 19th century. Blacks in Reconstruction governments had supported the establishment of public ecation in every Southern state. Despite the difficulties, with the enormous eagerness of freedmen for ecation, by 1900 the African-American community had trained and put to work 30,000 African-American teachers in the South. In addition, a majority of the black population had achieved literacy.[4] Not all the teachers had a full 4-year college degree in those years, but the shorter terms of normal schools were part of the system of teacher training in both the North and the South to serve the many new communities across the frontier. African American teachers got many children and alts started on ecation.
Northern alliances had helped fund normal schools and colleges to teach African American teachers, as well as create other professional classes. African Americans reached out for ecation at these historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs). After the turn of the century, black men and women began to found their own fraternities and sororities to create networks for lifelong service and collaboration. These were part of the new organizations that strengthened community life.
The Black church
As the center of community life, Black churches held a leadership role in the Civil Rights Movement. Their history as a focal point for the Black community and as a link between the Black and White worlds made them natural for this purpose. Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. was but one of many notable Black ministers involved in the movement. Ralph David Abernathy, Bernard Lee, Fred Shuttlesworth, and C.T. Vivian are among the many notable minister-activists.[5] They were especially important ring the later years of the movement in the 1950s and 1960s.
The Niagara Movement and the founding of the NAACP
At the turn of the century, Booker T. Washington was regarded, particularly by the white community, as the foremost spokesman for African-Americans in the U. S. Washington, who led the Tuskegee Institute, preached a message of self-reliance. He urged blacks to concentrate on improving their economic position rather than demanding social equality until they had proved that they "deserved" it. Publicly, he accepted the continuation of Jim Crow and segregation in the short term, but privately helped to fund court cases challenging the laws.
W.E.B. Du Bois and others in the black community rejected Washington's apology for segregation. One of his close associates, Monroe Trotter, was arrested after challenging Washington when he came to deliver a speech in Boston in 1905. Later that year Du Bois and Trotter convened a meeting of black activists on the Canadian side of the river at Niagara Falls. They issued a manifesto calling for universal manhood suffrage, elimination of all forms of racial segregation and extension of ecation—not limited to the vocational ecation that Washington emphasized—on a nondiscriminatory basis.
Du Bois joined with other black leaders and Jewish activists, such as Henry Moskowitz, Julius Rosenthal, Lillian Wald, Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch, and Stephen Wise to create the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909. W.E.B. Du Bois also became editor of its magazine The Crisis. In its early years, the NAACP concentrated on using the courts to attack Jim Crow laws and disfranchising constitutional provisions. It successfully challenged the Louisville, Kentucky ordinance that required residential segregation in Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60 (1917). It also gained a Supreme Court ruling striking down Oklahoma's "grandfather clause" that exempted most illiterate white voters from a law that disenfranchised African-American citizens in Guinn v. United States (1915).
The NAACP lobbied against President Wilson's introction of racial segregation into Federal government employment and offices in 1913. They lobbied for commissioning of African Americans as officers in World War I. In 1915 the NAACP organized public ecation and protests in cities across the nation against D.W. Griffith's silent film Birth of a Nation, a film that glamorized the Ku Klux Klan. Some cities refused to allow the film to open.
『玖』 the civil rights movement in America
The Civil Rights Movement in the United States has been a long, primarily nonviolent struggle to bring full civil rights and equality under the law to all Americans. The movement has had a lasting impact on United States society, in its tactics, the increased social and legal acceptance of civil rights, and in its exposure of the prevalence and cost of racism.
The American Civil Rights movement has been made up of many movements. The term usually refers to the political struggles and reform movements between 1945 and 1970 to end discrimination against African Americans and to end legal racial segregation, especially in the U.S. South.
This article focuses on an earlier phase of the struggle. Two United States Supreme Court decisions—Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896), which upheld "separate but equal" racial segregation as constitutional doctrine, and Brown v. Board of Ecation, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) which overturned Plessy— serve as milestones. This was an era of stops and starts, in which some movements, such as Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association, achieved great success but left little lasting legacy, while others, such as the NAACP's painstaking legal assault on state-sponsored segregation, achieved modest results in its early years but made steady progress on voter rights and graally built to a key victory in Brown v. Board of Ecation.
After the Civil War, the U. S. expanded the legal rights of African Americans. Congress passed, and enough states ratified, an amendment ending slavery in 1865—the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution. This amendment only outlawed slavery; it did not provide equal rights, nor citizenship. In 1868, the 14th Amendment was ratified by the states, granting African Americans citizenship. Black persons born in the U. S. were extended equal protection under the laws of the Constitution. The 15th Amendment was ratified in (1870), which stated that race could not be used as a condition to deprive men of the ability to vote. During Reconstruction (1865-1877), Northern troops occupied the South. Together with the Freedmen's Bureau, they tried to administer and enforce the new constitutional amendments. Many black leaders were elected to local and state offices, and others organized community groups.
Reconstruction ended following the Compromise of 1877 between Northern and Southern white elites. In exchange for deciding the contentious Presidential election in favor of Rutherford B. Hayes, supported by Northern states, over his opponent, Samuel J. Tilden, the compromise called for the withdrawal of Northern troops from the South. This followed violence and fraud in southern elections in 1876, which had reced black voter turnout and enabled Southern white Democrats to regain power in state legislatures across the South. The compromise and withdrawal of Federal troops meant that white Democrats had more freedom to impose and enforce discriminatory practices. Many African Americans responded to the withdrawal of federal troops by leaving the South in what is known as the Kansas Exos of 1879.
The Radical Republicans, who spearheaded Reconstruction, had attempted to eliminate both governmental and private discrimination by legislation. That effort was largely ended by the Supreme Court's decision in the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883), in which the Court held that the Fourteenth Amendment did not give Congress power to outlaw racial discrimination by private indivials or businesses.
Segregation
The Supreme Court's decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) upheld state-mandated discrimination in public transportation under the "separate but equal" doctrine. While in the 20th century, the Supreme Court began to overturn state statutes that disfranchised African Americans, as in Guinn v. United States (1915), with Plessy, it upheld segregation that Southern states enforced in nearly every other sphere of public and private life.
As Justice Harlan, the only member of the Court to dissent from the decision, predicted:
If a state can prescribe, as a rule of civil conct, that whites and blacks shall not travel as passengers in the same railroad coach, why may it not so regulate the use of the streets of its cities and towns as to compel white citizens to keep on one side of a street, and black citizens to keep on the other? Why may it not, upon like grounds, punish whites and blacks who ride together in street cars or in open vehicles on a public road or street? . . . .
The Court soon extended Plessy to uphold segregated schools. In Berea College v. Kentucky, 211 U.S. 45 (1908), the Court upheld a Kentucky statute that barred Berea College, a private institution, from teaching both black and white students in an integrated setting. Many states, particularly in the South, took Plessy and Berea as blanket approval for restrictive laws, generally known as Jim Crow laws, that created second-class status for African-Americans.
In many cities and towns, African-Americans were not allowed to share a taxi with whites or enter a building through the same entrance. They had to drink from separate water fountains, use separate restrooms, attend separate schools, be buried in separate cemeteries and even swear on separate Bibles. They were excluded from restaurants and public libraries. Many parks barred them with signs that read "Negroes and dogs not allowed." One municipal zoo went so far as to list separate visiting hours.
The etiquette of racial segregation was even harsher, particularly in the South. African Americans were expected to step aside to let a white person pass, and black men dared not look any white woman in the eye. Black men and women were addressed as "Tom" or "Jane", but rarely as "Mr." or "Miss" or "Mrs." Whites referred to black men of any age as "boy" and a black woman as "girl"; both often were called by labels such as "nigger" or "colored."
Less formal social segregation in the North began to yield to change.
Jackie Robinson’s Major League Baseball debut, 1947
Jackie Robinson was a sports pioneer of the Civil Rights Movement. Jackie Robinson is most well known for becoming the first African American to play professional sports in the major leagues. He is not often recognized as one of earliest public figures in the Civil Rights Movement. He debuted with the Brooklyn Dodgers of Major League Baseball on April 15, 1947. Jackie Robinson's first major league game came one year before the U.S. Army was integrated, seven years before Brown v. Board of Ecation, eight years before Rosa Parks, and before Martin Luther King Jr. was leading the Civil Rights Movement. Jackie Robinson stepped into the spotlight before many of the most notable people in the Civil Rights Movement history. Every day he played, he was an example and role model for countless children and youths.
Disfranchisement
Main article: Disfranchisement after the Civil War
By the turn of the century, white-dominated Southern legislatures disfranchised nearly all age-eligible African American voters through a combination of statute and constitutional provisions. While requirements applied to all citizens, in practice, they were targeted at blacks and poor whites, and subjectively administered. In addition, opponents of black civil rights used economic reprisals and sometimes violence in the 1880s to discourage blacks from registering to vote.
Mississippi was the first state to have such constitutional provisions, such as poll taxes, literacy tests (which depended on subjective by white registrars), and complicated record keeping to establish residency, litigated before the Supreme Court. In 1898 the Court upheld the state, in Williams v. Mississippi. Other Southern states quickly adopted the "Mississippi plan", and from 1890-1908, ten states adopted new constitutions with provisions to disfranchise most blacks and many poor whites. States continued to disfranchise these groups for decades. Blacks were most adversely affected, as in many states black voter turnout dropped to zero. Poor whites were also disfranchised. In Alabama, for instance, by 1941, 600,000 poor whites had been disfranchised, and 520,000 blacks.[1]
It was not until the 20th century that litigation by African Americans on such provisions began to meet some success before the Supreme Court. In 1915 in Guinn v. United States, the Court declared Oklahoma's "grandfather law", to be unconstitutional. Although the decision affected all states that used the grandfather clause, state legislatures quickly devised new devices to continue disfranchisement. Each provision or statute had to be litigated separately. One device the Democratic Party began to use more widely in Southern states was the white primary, which served for decades to disfranchise the few blacks who managed to get past barriers of voter registration. Barring blacks from voting in the Democratic Party primaries meant they had no chance to vote in the only competitive contests. White primaries were not struck down by the Supreme Court until Smith v. Allwright in 1944.
Criminal law and lynching
In 1880, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303 (1880) that African Americans could not be excluded from juries. The late 19th century disfranchisement of blacks in the South, however, meant that blacks were routinely barred from jury service, as it was reserved for voters only. This left them at the mercy of a white justice system arrayed against them. In some states, particularly Alabama, the state used the criminal justice system to reestablish a form of peonage in the form of the convict-lease system. The state sentenced black males to years of imprisonment, which they spent working without pay. The state leased prisoners to private employers, such as Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company, a subsidiary of United States Steel Corporation, which paid the state for their labor. Because the state made money, the system created incentives for the jailing of more men, who were disproportionately black. It also created a system in which treatment of prisoners received little oversight.
Extra-judicial punishment was even more brutal. During the last decade of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century, white vigilantes lynched thousands of black males, sometimes with the overt assistance of state officials, mostly within the South. No whites were charged with crimes in any of those massacres. Whites were, in fact, so confident of their immunity from prosecution for lynching that they not only photographed the victims, but made postcards out of the pictures.
The Ku Klux Klan, which had largely disappeared after a brief violent career in the early years of Reconstruction, reappeared in 1915. It grew mostly in instrializing cities of the South and Midwest that underwent the most rapid growth from 1910-1930. Social instability contributed to racial tensions from severe competition for jobs and housing. People joined KKK groups who were anxious about their place in American society, as cities were rapidly changed by a combination of instrialization, migration of blacks and whites from the rural South, and waves of increased immigration from mostly rural southern and eastern Europe.[2]
Initially the KKK presented itself as another fraternal organization devoted to betterment of its members. The KKK's revival was inspired in part by the movie Birth of a Nation, which glorified the earlier Klan and dramatized the racist stereotypes concerning blacks of that era. The Klan focused on political mobilization, which allowed it to gain power in states such as Indiana, on a platform that combined racism with anti-immigrant, anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic and anti-union rhetoric, but also supported lynching. It reached its peak of membership and influence about 1925, declining rapidly afterward as opponents mobilized.[3]
Segregated economic life and ecation
In addition to excluding blacks from equal participation in many areas of public life, white society also kept blacks in a position of economic subservience or marginality. After widespread losses from disease and financial failures in the late 19th c., black farmers in the South worked in virtual economic bondage as sharecroppers or tenant farmers. Employers and labor unions generally restricted African Americans to the worst paid and least desirable jobs. Because of the lack of steady, well-paid jobs, relatively undistinguished positions, such as those with the Pullman Porter or as hotel doorman, became prestigious positions in black communities.
The Jim Crow system that excluded African-Americans from many areas of economic life led to creation of a vigorous, but stunted economic life within the segregated sphere. Black newspapers sprang up throughout the North, while black owners of insurance and funeral establishments acquired disproportionate influence as both economic and political leaders.
Continuing to see ecation as the primary route of advancement and critical for the race, many talented blacks went into teaching, which had high respect as a profession. Segregated schools for blacks were underfunded in the South and ran on shortened scheles in rural areas. Despite segregation in Washington, DC, by contrast, as Federal employees, black and white teachers were paid on the same scale. Outstanding black teachers in the North received advanced degrees and taught in highly regarded schools, which trained the next generation of leaders in cities such as Chicago, Washington, and New York.
Ecation, in fact, was one of the major achievements of the black community in the 19th century. Blacks in Reconstruction governments had supported the establishment of public ecation in every Southern state. Despite the difficulties, with the enormous eagerness of freedmen for ecation, by 1900 the African-American community had trained and put to work 30,000 African-American teachers in the South. In addition, a majority of the black population had achieved literacy.[4] Not all the teachers had a full 4-year college degree in those years, but the shorter terms of normal schools were part of the system of teacher training in both the North and the South to serve the many new communities across the frontier. African American teachers got many children and alts started on ecation.
Northern alliances had helped fund normal schools and colleges to teach African American teachers, as well as create other professional classes. African Americans reached out for ecation at these historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs). After the turn of the century, black men and women began to found their own fraternities and sororities to create networks for lifelong service and collaboration. These were part of the new organizations that strengthened community life.
The Black church
As the center of community life, Black churches held a leadership role in the Civil Rights Movement. Their history as a focal point for the Black community and as a link between the Black and White worlds made them natural for this purpose. Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. was but one of many notable Black ministers involved in the movement. Ralph David Abernathy, Bernard Lee, Fred Shuttlesworth, and C.T. Vivian are among the many notable minister-activists.[5] They were especially important ring the later years of the movement in the 1950s and 1960s.
The Niagara Movement and the founding of the NAACP
At the turn of the century, Booker T. Washington was regarded, particularly by the white community, as the foremost spokesman for African-Americans in the U. S. Washington, who led the Tuskegee Institute, preached a message of self-reliance. He urged blacks to concentrate on improving their economic position rather than demanding social equality until they had proved that they "deserved" it. Publicly, he accepted the continuation of Jim Crow and segregation in the short term, but privately helped to fund court cases challenging the laws.
W.E.B. Du Bois and others in the black community rejected Washington's apology for segregation. One of his close associates, Monroe Trotter, was arrested after challenging Washington when he came to deliver a speech in Boston in 1905. Later that year Du Bois and Trotter convened a meeting of black activists on the Canadian side of the river at Niagara Falls. They issued a manifesto calling for universal manhood suffrage, elimination of all forms of racial segregation and extension of ecation—not limited to the vocational ecation that Washington emphasized—on a nondiscriminatory basis.
Du Bois joined with other black leaders and Jewish activists, such as Henry Moskowitz, Julius Rosenthal, Lillian Wald, Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch, and Stephen Wise to create the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909. W.E.B. Du Bois also became editor of its magazine The Crisis. In its early years, the NAACP concentrated on using the courts to attack Jim Crow laws and disfranchising constitutional provisions. It successfully challenged the Louisville, Kentucky ordinance that required residential segregation in Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60 (1917). It also gained a Supreme Court ruling striking down Oklahoma's "grandfather clause" that exempted most illiterate white voters from a law that disenfranchised African-American citizens in Guinn v. United States (1915).
The NAACP lobbied against President Wilson's introction of racial segregation into Federal government employment and offices in 1913. They lobbied for commissioning of African Americans as officers in World War I. In 1915 the NAACP organized public ecation and protests in cities across the nation against D.W. Griffith's silent film Birth of a Nation, a film that glamorized the Ku Klux Klan. Some cities refused to allow the film to open.
『拾』 美森红钻无酒精有汽葡萄汁饮品 价格
美森玫瑰无酒精有汽葡萄汁饮品
Non Alcoholic Sparkling Grape Drink rose
规格：750ml
市场价格：68元
美森世爵无酒精有汽葡萄汁饮品
Non Alcoholic Sparkling Grape Drink Supreme
规格：750ml
市场价格：168元
美森红钻无酒精有汽葡萄汁饮品
Non Alcoholic Sparkling Grape Drink Lambrusco
规格：750ml
市场价格：188元
以上价格为市面价格，有些店面售价有折扣或是议价，看店家实际价格为准！